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A few years back, I
was working as a lifeguard in lower Manhattan. One
of my least favorite parts of the job was staying late
on Tuesday nights to watch over a rambunctious bunch of
yeshiva boys. Not wanting to spend the hour
discussing how I could possibly call myself a Jew if I
didn’t so much as wear a yarmulke, or, so help
me, whether Israel was a great country or the greatest
country, I kept my Jewish upbringing quiet. It was Purim
when my disguise finally failed me; I made the mistake
of correcting a kid’s pronunciation of “Ahasuerus.”
Instantly I had a small mob in the water at my feet. I
don’t remember what I said, but by the following week
they’d forgotten and I was a gentile again.
It’s strange how fast
you can get so far from yourself. Isaac Babel
(1894-1940) knew just how strange: “Tomorrow is the day
of fasting, Tisha b’Ab, and I say nothing because I am
Russian.” He was also, of course, a Jew. At the time,
Babel was traveling with the viciously anti-Jewish
Cossacks of the Red Cavalry to report on their
‘revolutionary’ campaign to liberate Poland. Fearing his
comrades, he worked and wrote under the name Kiril
Lyutov.
Granted, Babel’s
concerns about being perceived as a Jew were less
prosaic than mine, but his ambivalence was that much
more powerful. In the first of the justly famous Red
Cavalry stories, he describes his ruined quarters: “In
my room I find ransacked closets, torn pieces of women’s
fur coats on the floor, human excrement, and fragments
of the holy seder plate that the Jews use once a year
for Passover.” It isn’t his seder plate, but theirs, the
Jews, and he doesn’t count himself among their number.
A moment later, he’s
describing them as “monkeys.” Perhaps it was true to the
impression of the moment, but it can’t be separated from
his resentment at passing for Russian, the anger at the
frailty and inadequacy of those Jews who ‘make’ you
renounce yourself — similar to what I felt as some
strange anti-Moses, watching over the yeshiva
boys at the swimming pool.
Maybe this
alienation is one of the reasons Babel’s work felt
so familiar despite my never having read him before. Of
course, there are echoes of the Sholem Aleichem I read
as a shule student: Babel’s other major
achievement, the Odessa stories drawn from his childhood
home, are rich with the shtetl poverty that
Sholem Aleichem portrayed. But when, late in his life,
Babel adapted into a screenplay Sholem Aleichem’s novel
Roaming Stars, the results were telling. In
Babel’s hands, the story is stripped of its happy
ending; its lovers are never reunited. Similarly, when
he tried his hand at a tale of the shtetl
trickster Hershele (“Shabes-Nakhamu”), the story
ends not with the trickster’s triumph but with his duped
mark: “The innkeeper, naked beneath the rays of the
rising sun, stood waiting for her huddled against the
tree. He felt cold. He was shifting from one foot to the
other.” And that’s it. Hershele might make you laugh,
but Babel won’t let you forget those who are the butts
of his jokes.
“He was shifting from
one foot to the other.” This is the real point of
departure between Sholem Aleichem and Isaac Babel, and
one of the defining qualities of Babel’s art. It’s not
simply that Babel eschews the neat, happy, or poignant
ending; it’s that he often abandons anything like a
conventional ending altogether. There’s little in the
way of dramatic resolution to be found in the Complete
Works. Instead, Babel’s stories follow a peculiar
digressive logic; in his notes on the Red Cavalry
stories he instructs himself: “Pay no attention to
continuity in the story.”
And he succeeds. A
pogrom is carried out on the outskirts of a child’s
consciousness, a critical cavalry charge veers into a
squabble over breeding horses, a seemingly omniscient
third person narrator suddenly shifts gears into first,
men from the ship Plutarch dance through a
shtetl courtyard and the middle of a tale, Don
Quixote appears and disappears. A ‘story’ about the
carts used to haul machine guns somehow concludes with
“the movements of the Galician and Volhynian Jew ...
abrupt, brusque, and offensive to good taste ... the
power of their grief is filled with dark grandeur.”
Stories begin at the ending and linger past their
declared end or come up short of it, digress and
meander, move forward and backward in time. As a method,
it imbues his stories with a surfeit of meaning, a
mysterious charge. Like life, they resist easy
interpretation.
Every once in a while
Babel introduces this indeterminacy into the telling of
the story itself. Written toward the end of his life,
“My First Fee” may very well be his masterpiece. In it,
the lies he told to seduce a woman affirm that they
spoke; he convinces the reader that she shared “secrets
that you will never learn ... words that only other
women hear” by stating, “I have forgotten them.” It’s a
virtuosic maneuver, acknowledging his fabrications to
convince you of the truth of his story. Ultimately, he
insists: “A well thought-out story doesn’t need to
resemble real life. Life tries with all its might to
resemble a well-crafted story.”
At few moments has
life strained harder than during the Bolshevik
revolution, when a mass of peasants and decommissioned
Russian soldiers played the revolutionary role imagined
by a German-Jewish philosopher for an urban laboring
class. In the remarkable document that is the “1920
Diary,” Babel observes the strain firsthand. His style
is reduced to its essence as he obeys his own
commandment that his writing should be “very simple, a
factual account, no superfluous description,” with
“short chapters saturated with content.” Sentences
rattle like machine guns, words detonate, life resists
Marx’s revolutionary narrative. Babel arrived on the
Polish front in June, 1920; although the first
fifty-four pages of the diary are lost, the first
surviving entry is dated June 3rd, and describes the
aftermath of a pogrom (the first of many) that preceded
the Red Cavalry’s arrival. By July 16th, he already asks
of the cavalry’s commanders, “are they soldiers of
fortune or future usurpers? They are of Cossack
background, that’s the main thing . . .” Two days later:
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The Jewish
cemetery outside Malin, centuries old, the
stones have toppled, almost all the same
shape, oval at the top, the cemetery is
overgrown with weeds, it saw Khmelnitsky [a
17th-century Cossack leader], now Budyonny
[the Soviet commander], the unfortunate
Jewish population, everything repeats
itself, once again the same story of Poles,
Cossacks, Jews is repeating itself with
striking exactness, what is new is
Communism. |
By July 21st, he
doubts whether there’s anything new about the story: “We
are the vanguard, but of what? The population is waiting
for liberators, the Jews for freedom — but who arrives?
The Kuban Cossacks ...” August 11th: “This is not a
Marxist Revolution, it is a Cossack uprising that wants
to win all and lose nothing.” Finally, on August 28th he
writes: “The hatred for them [the Red Cavalry] is the
same, they too are Cossacks, they too are savage, it’s
pure nonsense that our army is any different. The life
of the shtetls. There is no escape. Everyone is
out to destroy them.” In six weeks, his faith in the
Revolution had been shattered as surely as the seder
plate.
“Farewell to you, dead
men,” Babel writes in his diary, attending services at a
synagogue following that first pogrom. They were dead
men because they couldn’t defend themselves, dead men
because history was overtaking them, dead men because
they were scheduled to awaken from the opium dream of
their faith at any moment. “Is it not bound to be our
century in which they will perish?” Babel asks. “It’s
very clear, the old gods are being destroyed.”
The dissolution of
the old world began long before the catastrophe of
the camps and the ovens. Here’s one solution to the
mystery of his stories’ narrative structure: their
digressive logic, their lack of dramatic resolution, is
expressive of this historical moment, the revolutionary
rupture with the past, the uncertainty and possibility
of the future. Taken as a whole, Babel’s work tracks
nothing less than the destruction of the old world and
the miscarriage of the new.
And so the Odessa
stories end with the murder of one of the city’s
gangster-makhers at the hands of the Cheka, in a
story (‘How Things Were Done in Odessa’) with a
narrative perspective that shifts rapidly through
Odessa’s gangsters to settle on that of the newly
appointed commissar. It’s only in a later screenplay
that we learn the end of Benya Krik, Odessa’s ubiquitous
gangster prince, lured out of Odessa, cornered, and
murdered by the Red Army. (The film, unsurprisingly, was
released and then suppressed.)
The Red Cavalry stories follow a similar trajectory,
from the shattered Seder plate Babel sees in Zbrucz,
evidence of the pogrom that preceded his arrival, to the
delirious, dying Jew he recognizes and hauls onto his
retreating train. “And I, who can barely harness the
storms of fantasy raging through my ancient body, I
received my brother’s last breath.” His brother. With
the last of the Red Cavalry stories, Babel shed his
ambivalence. If only in shared suffering, he was a Jew.
In the end, Babel was
claimed by the very revolution he’d supported. And
throughout his work, Babel’s characters are constantly
betrayed by their plans, ambitions, inspiration. So it’s
worth noting how Benya the King earned his gangster
title: not for any successful heist, but for his
extravagant recompense for failure. Like Camus, Babel
believed: “Suffering is nothing; what counts is knowing
how to suffer.” His work answers the challenge. What’s
survived is a superabundance of material, an exuberant
exper-imentation in nearly every form of storytelling
available, a heroic attempt to harness the storms of
fantasy. An exquisite, Jewish suffering.
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